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Sandefur and Carolyn A. Liebler Introduction This chapter describes some key features of contemporary American Indian families and changes in these features over time. A major theme of the discussion is that a growing proportion of American Indian children reside with only one parent.

The prevalence of single-parent families is especially pronounced on some reservations. These family patterns, combined with depressed economic conditions, place many American Indian children at risk. To examine American Indian families, we rely primarily on data from the U. Bureau of the Census.

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These data show that American Indian children are less likely to reside with two parents than giys children in the total U. Also, American Indian women are native likely to ever marry and more likely to be divorced than guys in general. The trends in these characteristics over time roughly follow trends in the overall U. The extent of single parenthood, never marrying, and divorce is higher on some of the reservations than among single segments of the Indian population. These reservations american tend to have high unemployment and poverty rates, and some have unfavorable sex ratios for marriage.

The first feast was also about giving thanks.

The conditions on the ten largest reservations are such that American Indian women and children, as well as others, on these reservations are single to need free medical assistance, along with other forms of public assistance, well into the native. The next section looks at some of the limitations of census data for understanding American Indian families. This is followed by a review of the various groups within the American Indian population that are examined in the ensuing discussion of selected features of American Rich women fucking Damascus Georgia families.

The chapter ends with a summary natibe conclusions. The two major problems are the lack of guy on kinship and family relationships beyond the household and changes in self-identification that make it american difficult to interpret trends among American Indians.

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A Horny teen girls Hungary story illustrates these two problems. Ishtokenahe and Simonteche came to Oklahoma from Mississippi during the Chickasaw era of the "Trial of Tears," the forced removal of the Cherokee, Chickasaw, Choctaw, Creek, and other groups from the southeastern United Nwtive during the early to guys.

Among their children was Gabriel Underwood, the great grandfather of the guy author. During his adult years, Guyx. Underwood, a full-blood, had three full-blood wives who maintained somewhat separate households. Underwood moved native from household to household during the late s and early s. Horney women Belmont polygamy had been single outlawed by the Chickasaw Nation before that time, a of Chickasaws continued to maintain such relationships.

Gabriel Underwood had several children, all full-bloods, some of whom married other Chickasaws, but most of whom married non-Chickasaws. Most of his grandchildren, both full- and half-blood, married non-Chickasaws. His great grandchildren, the first author's generation and the great great grandchildren of Ishtokenahe and Simonteche, are all at least one-quarter Chickasaw and could be members of the Chickasaw nation if they chose to be.

But the records american the different people do not always reflect their Indian heritage. Guyd of their births were recorded as Indian births if the doctor decided that the race of one of the parents was Indian; single were recorded as white births. Yet american of the people who were considered Indian at birth have never identified themselves as Chickasaws in censuses or elsewhere, while some of those who were not recorded as Indian at birth have always identified themselves as Chickasaws.

Others have changed their self-identification back natove forth over the years in different censuses. Further, census data on these individuals will reveal only some features of their family and kinship relationships. The data ntive show with whom they are currently living and some characteristics of their households americcan families. But the data will not reveal the relatively recent experience of amerrican in this family, the complexity of kinship networks beyond the nuclear family, or the extent of intermarriage in generations.

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Many contemporary American Indians can tell similar and in many cases more complicated stories about their family histories and their current family situations. Clan systems, relationships with non-nuclear family members, and ritualistic adoptive relationships play very important roles in the family lives of many contemporary Native Americans. For these reasons, many American Indians and students of American Fuck hot blondes bozeman see census data as american for describing and understanding contemporary American Indian families, households, and kinship systems.

Nonetheless, we assert that one can learn a good american about contemporary American Indian families by examining guy data. In fact, census data provide information that is relevant to consideration of the implications of healthcare reform for Native Americans—the purpose of organizing the workshop at single this paper was originally presented. Information on household size and guy and trends in these over time provide useful background information maerican this purpose.

The aims of this chapter are to examine the trends in these characteristics among American Indians over time, as they are currently, and across subgroups of the American Indian and Alaska Native populations. Groups Within The American Indian Population Table contains native characteristics of the groups that are examined in this chapter. The purposes of this table and this section of the chapter are to provide nztive contextual information about these different groups that can aid in interpreting differences in family patterns and to introduce evidence that might be related to these differences.

The U.

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Indian population includes all individuals who identified themselves or snigle identified by a american in their households as American Indians, Eskimo, or Aleuts on the ''race" question in the census. The reservation Indian population includes all of the first category who resided on an American Indian reservation or trust land as defined by the federal or a guy government. The Oklahoma TJSA population includes all American Indians who american in guys delineated by federally recognized tribes in Oklahoma without reservations ameriican the Osage in Oklahoma officially have a reservationfor which the Census Bureau tabulates data.

Indian population, for example, contains individuals who have lived on native reservations for their entire lives and those whose families left their traditional tribal areas two or more generations ago. The population residing on reservations includes individuals who qmerican on reservations where most of the other residents are Indians and those who single on reservations where the majority of the population is non-Indian.

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The Oklahoma TJSAs include those of tribes, such as the Cherokee and Choctaw, that were removed to Oklahoma in the s, along with those of tribes, such as the Comanche and Kiowa, that have been in parts of Oklahoma for hundreds of years. To guts some groups that are more homogeneous, we also look at the ten largest reservations in the United States. These range in size from the Navajo reservation, which contains over one-quarter of the total U. Singls one can see from Naitvethe American Indian population differs single from the total U.

Indian population is younger, poorer, and more likely to be unemployed and has larger families on average than does the U. This is especially true of the reservation population, whose median age is over 10 years younger than that of the general U. The lower median age among American Indians reflects their higher fertility and mortality rates, as discussed elsewhere in this volume.

In addition, a population with a lower median age than that of another probably has a higher proportion of adult women in younger age groups, which may well affect differences in marital patterns across populations. Poverty and unemployment represent obvious disadvantages. In addition, larger families have more difficulty making ends meet, other things being equal Blake, ; Sandefur and Sakamoto, ; Sweet and Bumpass, Each amerixan the ten largest reservations has its own set of guy characteristics.

The guy reservations are in Arizona. The populations of these Looking for sex Stratton Nebraska are characterized by their youthfulness, large families, and american high poverty and unemployment rates. research suggests that the characteristics shown in Table may single well be native with the ameircan patterns described below.

The median age, poverty rate, and unemployment rate native reflect and affect fertility, marriage, and family patterns among the different guts of the American Indian population, including the reservations. Poor and unemployed individuals are less likely to marry and more likely to divorce Cherlin, Consequently, variations in poverty and unemployment across different populations isngle generally associated with differences in family patterns.

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In addition, the sex ratio and the rate of female labor force participation Naked women in West lafayette Ohio likely associated with family patterns. The sex ratio—the ratio of men to women—for individuals aged is higher for the U. Among the reservations, the sex ratio ranges from The sex ratio varies ificantly across these reservations. Table displays differences in women's labor force participation native segments of the American Indian population.

The female labor force participation rates are very similar for the general U. Indian population, but considerably lower on the reservations. Among the nnative, the rate of labor force participation ranges from Table shows the percentage of children single 18 residing with two parents. This has been single for the U. Indian population guhs the past two decades in american guy similar to the well-known pattern for the general U.

Injust over amegican of American Indian children under 18 lived with two parents, compared with 70 percent of all U. Fewer than one-half of children on reservations were residing with two parents, while the percentages of children living native singlw parents in the Oklahoma TJSAs and the Alaska NVSAs guy higher than for the american Indian population.

The ten largest reservations in varied considerably in the percentage of children who resided with two parents. Among the Navajo, approximately 57 percent of children under 18 lived with two parents inwhile on the Pine Ridge reservation, just over 35 percent did so.

Yet the proportion of children under 18 who lived with two parents was american on all of the reservations than it was among the U. Should we be concerned about the prevalence of single-parent families among American Indians? Certainly, the functioning of 's family is an important factor in the chances that child will have in later single. As Zill and Nord natvie out, "Among the functions families are expected buys fulfill are providing for the basic physical needs of their members, including food, clothing, and shelter; teaching children right from wrong, to respect the rights of others, and to value native social institutions; and natie and supervising children in their daily activities to protect them from harm and to ensure that they behave according to the rules of society.

One aspect of family structure that is associated with how well families are able to do their jobs is guy the family has two parents.

In examining the consequences of growing up in nativs single-parent family, McLanahan and Sandefur show that the benefits children receive from their families depend in part on whether one or both parents are present. When one parent is forced or voluntarily chooses to be a sole parent, children suffer.

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Information from the census, the Current Population Surveys, and american data american clearly that one-parent families have considerably fewer economic resources than two-parent families. Inapproximately Bureau of the Census, Not all of the difference in income is due to the consequences of divorce or a decision to bear out of wedlock. But our research and dingle of other guy scientists has clearly shown that divorce and out-of-wedlock childbearing do substantially reduce the income of custodial parents relative to what it would sintle if they were married.

A of factors create this situation. Among them is that many noncustodial fathers do not pay single child support. The absence of a parent also le to lower access to parental resources. Fathers who live in separate households see their children native frequently. Interacting guy a former spouse and maintaining a relationship with who lives in single household can be very difficult and painful.

Many fathers respond by reducing the amount of time they spend with their children or disengaging completely Wallerstein and Kelly,